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African Diaspora
Contents:
  1. Exodus Village (Part II - Return of the African Diaspora Series)
  2. Exodus Village: Return of the African Diaspora - Linda Pace Samuel - Google книги
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Exodus Village Return of the African Diaspora The saga continues in this second installment of the Return of the African Diaspora series, as Kristin realizes her dreams for the "underbelly" of Black America. Through Divine intervention, the Exodus Foundation becomes the catalyst for a miraculous transformation. A hybrid society develops to blend the two cultures in the Ashanti region of Ghana, with roots cultivated in ancient healing practices, green technologies, and a liberation from SAD standard American diet eating habits. Kristin's personal life takes a back seat until old passions are rekindled, and a secret she kept from Winston for decades is revealed.

This is partly a technological issue: improved transport and accessible real-time electronic communication is the material basis of transnationalism. Social and cultural issues are however equally important. Globalization is closely linked to the transnational changes in social structures and relationships as well as shifts in cultural values concerned with place, mobility and belonging.

This is likely to have important consequences, which we are only just beginning to understand Bauman, ; Castells, Some identify more with one society or another while others assume multiple identities. Hall has noted that the condition of the transnational immigrant provides for ever-changing representations or identities.

African Diaspora Forum speaks on displaced foreign nationals

In such an abstraction, Caribbean migrants can simultaneously belong to two or more worlds in a transnational social field characterized by its interconnectivity New York, Port of Spain, Toronto, Bridgetown, London or Kingston. Caribbean migrants might base their allegiances on a fluid definition of where family, kin and fictive kin are located. Some Caribbean-origin people can now travel too and fro on any one of many passports quite seamlessly.

These new legal statuses undoubtedly alter the mindset of many migrants living in the international diaspora, particularly in terms of where they can or want to live in the future. The new status opens previously closed doors for temporary or long term return to their place of origin without fear of any penalty or reprisals from the authorities in either sending or receiving areas. Many moved to free lands on neighboring islands or at least off the plantation property. Most ex-slaves discovered that they could not survive without part-time or seasonal work on the plantations or at other places of employment.

Circulation — a form of migration in which the migrant families live year-round in the home community while the migrant members of the family move away seasonally for work — became a part of the wider Caribbean culture. Circulation within the Caribbean region expanded further to include, for example, the longer distance movement to Panama in the late nineteenth century, the United States in the period of to , Britain in the s, and Canada and the United States again from the late s to the present.


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The longer distance moves were associated with longer-term residence abroad and in some cases led to permanent settlement abroad. The formation of large Caribbean-origin migrant communities in these cities and the resources that such immigrant communities provided to new migrants strengthened and transformed the Caribbean culture of migration.

In effect, what began as a Caribbean culture of migration expanded over time to become a diasporic Caribbean transnational cultural community. Most Caribbean migrants who have legal immigrant status move about quite freely. Many make return trips to the Caribbean to vacation and to see friends and kin. Studies of Caribbean migrants and their communities in Britain, the United States and Canada have contributed in important ways to this large body of research. They have examined the evolution of the Caribbean culture and practice of migration from colonial times until the late twentieth century Simmons and Guegant, These and other studies draw attention to the role of political, cultural and socio-economic forces from colonial times to the present in the formation of the Caribbean diaspora and the development of Caribbean transnational communities.

Exodus Village (Part II - Return of the African Diaspora Series)

Previous researchers also point to the importance of occupations and activities that require regular and sustained social contacts over time, and across national borders for their implementation Guarnizo, Similarly, Williams , p. The very existence of transnational families does, in fact, rest on kin ties being kept alive and maintained, in spite of great distances and prolonged separations Reynolds, Reynolds, adopts the term cultural remittance to advance the theory of transnational caring about relationships.

Cultural remittance reinforces ethnic identity and is viewed as a sign of continued commitment to the kin left behind, commitment to keeping kin together, and keeping avenues open for temporary or permanent future return. Rather, Caribbean migrants take advantage of new opportunities, through travel and inexpensive telecommunications, to be simultaneously part of their home society as well as the society to which they have moved Glick-Schiller et al, ; Portes, ; Vertovec, Both the home and migrant new settlement societies are in turn simultaneously transformed by these transnational links.

Transnational social networks and communities among formerly colonized and still radicalized minorities are understood to be part of their effort to resist marginalization, radicalization, discrimination, exploitation and segregation in the countries to which they have moved, in their home nations and in the international system generally. The idea of cultural mourning has its origins in the theories of object loss as conceptualized by Sigmund Freud In most cases of object loss individuals are able to mourn their loss in a way that prevents derangement.

For Caribbeans in the international diaspora this might include Caribbean carnival parades in New York, Miami and Toronto. In this regard, the potential space serves as a platform where immigrants can begin to negotiate their adaptation to the new environment.

Faist highlights the bridging function of social capital. This function occurs not only when groups are formed at home and overseas, but also when there is an active transnational exchange between these groups; that is, between migrants who are abroad and their families, kin and advocates who are in the origin country. Such transnational exchanges help the development of the origin community, even as these exchanges allow migrants to prepare for their eventual return and retain contacts with their family, kin, fictive kin, close friends, hometown or high school alumni associations.

Over time, and because of technological innovations which have compressed distance, time and space; Caribbean sojourners have developed a unique idea of what it means to belong somewhere.

Exodus Village: Return of the African Diaspora - Linda Pace Samuel - Google книги

For many their identity and sense of belonging is situational and fluid. For others, it depends on how long they have lived abroad, how many return visits they have made, and how many relatives they have still alive in their country of origin. For others it may depend on the degree to which they feel a sense of acceptance and respect in their place of settlement and or what conditions their place of return is in. These factors and many more all contribute in different ways to living a transnational lifestyle for Caribbean sojourners.

These complex factors are unpredictable as to their importance or influence in the lives of individuals. What is most important to note is that most Caribbean-origin migrants in the international diaspora do to some degree or another live a transnational lifestyle. Most research on the phenomenon of return migration to the Caribbean region has focused on Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic — primarily because these Spanish-speaking territories have sent larger numbers of their population to the United States — more than any other country in the region.

As a result of their substantial numbers of migrants, these two locations have the largest number of individuals as potential returnee migrants Pesser, ; Muschkin, ; Grasmuck and Pessar, ; Guarnizo, There have also been a few studies of return migration from Britain to the Caribbean that indicate the significance of the social and economic aspects of the return phenomenon.

Peach points out how each wave of returnees fluctuated depending on the booms and busts in the British economy. Davidson found that the returnees to Jamaica experienced a shock upon return due to the realization that the cost of living had risen alarmingly and there was neither work, nor housing. Philpott reported similar results of disillusionment for return migrants from Montserrat who ultimately went back to England after a short return period. Studying the social adjustment aspect of return to the region, Taylor notes that there were differences in happiness and success between retiring returnees to rural versus urban areas in Jamaica.

Returnees to the rural areas indicated much higher levels of satisfaction than individuals returning to the urban areas. In looking at the economic impact of returnees on the host society, Gmelch found that retirees brought with them innovations and investments which benefited the Barbadian economy and society. Thomas-Hope noted a similar phenomenon in Jamaica whereby retiring return migrants had a dramatic impact in jump-starting the poor economy through the influx of foreign currency and, by hiring builders and other trades people, they also aided the local labour market.

Abenaty also points out a similar pattern among seniors returning to St. Many continued to be economically active by starting small entrepreneurial enterprises, many of which employed locals. Abenaty also notes that senior returnees experienced problems in terms of disappointment on their return to St Lucia. Many had high expectations for being welcomed back to the island of their birth.

Most found, however, a great deal of resentment towards them for what the local population regarded as ostentatious displays of their wealth.

During their stay abroad, the highly skilled group tended to develop livelihood expectations that could not easily be met in Jamaica, their country of origin. After living in their place of origin for more than a year many continued to maintain close economic and social links with their former country of residence.

Many of the skilled returnees in the sample continued to maintain a foreign citizenship, thus suggesting that their return to Jamaica may not be the final move in the migration cycle.

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The return of men and women in old age has a number of negative effects, starting with the absence of grandparents in upbringing and development of the young who remain behind in Britain. The impact of the returnees on the local housing stock, the local communities and the medical facilities was seen as detrimental and resulted in a driving up of costs for local governments, particularly those hard hit by structural adjustment policies over the last ten years.

The added drain on the system by these newly returned local-foreigners resulted in disillusionment among both the returnees and the local population. Others have sought jobs as employees within hotels. Most, however, have entered self-employment, providing accommodation, transportation, boutiques and bars to serve the tourism industry and, more generally, the service sector. These individuals typically have a university degree or a specialized professional qualification and a desire to work once they move back to the Caribbean.

When a sympathetic mayor of Dimona offered the African Hebrew Israelites the chance to move into an abandoned former immigrant absorption center in the late s, the complex was in such disrepair that some members of the community wondered whether their leader, the Chicago-born Ben Ammi Ben-Israel, was making the right decision. The communitych ran its own clinics and educated its children in bomb shelters, which it used as classrooms. Ahmadiel arrived in Israel in When we met at Kfar Hashalom he wore light sunglasses with a colorful striped wool shirt, and like many of the Dimonans he has the build and vitality of someone much younger than him.

We were not a threat to the state. Yes, we were different, but Israel is as diverse a country as you can probably get on the planet. The community members were made temporary residents. They became permanent residents in on the initiative of the right-wing prime minister, Ariel Sharon. Few of them are citizens, and community members from outside the country are not allowed to immigrate.

The African Hebrew Israelites do not claim to be Jews—they describe themselves as Judeans, a tribal cousin in the same national family. Almost all of them have American citizenship of some kind, but for older community members the United States is a country they had gone to extraordinary lengths to leave. It is not a place that the younger, Israel-born generations seem to think very much about.

They are almost-Jews who have been careful never to demand acceptance as Jews—from the very beginning, Ben Ammi insisted that conversion to Judaism would be an act of self-betrayal.

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Their everyday conversation is in English, livened with American-accented Hebrew phrases. Israel is now home to around 5, African Hebrews, some 2, to 3, of whom live in Dimona. Some live in the Kfar, which has a health center, grocery store, organic farm, dance studio, and vegan ice cream shop, and is officially recognized as an urban kibbutz. The newer, non-Israelite neighborhoods surrounding the Kfar look like a posh suburb of Phoenix, with placid streets of airy tan-colored houses fronted with rock gardens and young palm trees.

A park with a murmuring cone-shaped fountain overlooks a row of apartment buildings in midconstruction, with the bald slopes of the wilderness rising in the distance. What did that mean? Are we supposed to be like everybody? They are proud health nuts, citing biblical principles about the ideal diet. The Israelites avoid eating processed oils and have raw-food weeks and sugar-free weeks once every few months. Alcohol and caffeine consumption is supposed to be kept to an absolute minimum. There are ritual baths in many of the houses at the Kfar.

Adherents wear a four braided blue cords somewhere on their clothing—another biblical injunction—and many do not use synthetic fabrics. The Hebrews fast every Shabbat, on the belief that the body itself should perform as little work as possible on the day of rest. Every school day begins with an opening ceremony where the Shema is recited; one student I met, a high-school-age girl in a scarlet uniform and loose-fitting white headscarf, said her Hebrew literature class was studying medieval piyuttim.

Rofeh Yehoshua believes a community like the one the Israelites built could never exist in America. I visited Kfar Hashalom in January, when the desert air was cold and dry and relations between the African-American and Jewish communities were threatening to bottom out. Activist efforts to portray Israel as a fortress of American white supremacism, or even to blame the country for racism in the United States , have created a wedge between Jews and African-Americans within progressive contexts and beyond.

And yet the discomfort of the present moment goes well beyond a small cohort of provocateurs.